ABSTRACT
The last chapter established that the variation in the descriptive pattern for women of color’s offi ce holding is unique when compared to both their gender and racial counterparts. I documented that women of color and white women were most likely to be present in different states, and that the same could be said if women of color’s legislative presence was compared to men of color as well. What explains women of color’s distinctive geographical variation in offi ce holding across the fi fty states?
