Since the 1960s, syntactic islands have occupied a central role within generative grammar. In recent years, some islands have been studied in terms of the freezing approach. This approach tries to elucidate the conditions that prohibit an element from taking part in any further syntactic operations after it has moved from its base position (see Wexler and Culicover 1980). Much attention has focused on the upper layers of the clause, in particular the TP-CP domain. However, in this chapter I take a closer look at the lower area of the clause, namely, the area where arguments are externally merged. Specifically, I provide, among other things, an account of the Norwegian contrasts shown in (1) through (3): 2